Sunday, April 07, 2019

Understanding about National Debt


A journalist asked me if i could respond to this speech from PM Dr M. He asked 'Is the PM's target realistic and is the national debt really that big of a problem?'
I am always serious to journalist's question put forward to me. Here is my reply:
First, the public has to understand the nature of so-called national debt. According to the Economic Outlook published by MOF, the Federal government debt is estimated to reach RM725.2 billion or 50.7% GDP, where 97% are domestic debt. What are the components? Treasury bills, Malaysian Government Investment Issues (MGII), Malaysian Government Securities (MGS) and Government Housing Sukuk. MGII and MGS are the two most prominent sources, took 95% of all domestic debts. These are the capitals that the government raised for public spending and infrastructure development, and the investors are for the returns. As long as the government understands that they have a duty to repay on time the interest accrued due to these capital investment, and make sure their fiscal policy is sound and prudent, do not continue raising capitals unsustainably and go waste or splurge, then the fiscal position is under control. No one is asking the government to immediately repay the whole debt, instead we should ask the Prime Minister Dr Mahathir what does he actually mean by 'recover from past administrative, financial problems in three years' and 'we will be able to settle out debts'? To what extend? What is the target or measurement yardstick? The debt sum that he quoted 'RM 1 trillion', I presume that he has actually included the contingent liabilities especially the loan guarantees to GLCs and Statutory Bodies (RM179 bil and RM60 bil, respectively in 2017).
Second, many countries (including advanced economies) do have a norm to have consistent budget deficit and reasonable high debt. For example Singapore has 112.2% government debt to GDP ratio, it is not the measure or reflection of fiscal health. The PH government's priority should be ensuring the public spending and investment are adequate to address the current needs of people, and future.
Third, cutting down the expenditure, especially the mega projects, is the obvious way to go, but the government has to consider the options carefully. Most mega projects are infrastructure development projects, they are normally borne by GLCs. For example, the MRT projects are developed by MRT corp; LRT projects are by Prasarana , both are GLCs under MOF. Cutting cost, if it is by cutting corner (ie. compromising the quality of delivery and user friendliness), this will not bring returns to the companies. One should not think negatively about the capital raised (ie. debt) to fund these public infrastructure projects, because when they are done properly, they will be 'assets' in the company books, many are often conveniently overlooking this fact. Even in the context of cost-cutting, the government has to make sure by the time when the projects are completed, this brings maximum values to the public. If the public and communities are not utilising the infrastructure, it will be even bigger losses suffered by the GLCs (and the government) when operating and maintaining the assets and services. A cantonese idiom often reminds us not to, 'just because you wanna gain a candy, you burn down the whole factory' (“给你一粒糖,烧掉整间厂”)

改革社会福利制度

记得某天下班,我在檳州中央医院大走廊恰好碰到一位坐医院免费提供的轮椅、行走不便的印度老兄正向路过的每一位乞討买麵包。我好奇,於是与他交谈瞭解情况。
他直言,不喜欢低声乞討,但他当时依赖每月微不足道的150令吉残障人士失业福利津贴,难以温饱过活。他告诉我,若他找到工作,他的残障援助津贴才会提升双倍至300令吉。

我心想,这样的福利政策设计就是为了鼓励他去找工啊。我反问他是否有去积极找工,他委屈道出他被上份工作辞退后,一直还没找到工作,才陷入財务困境。

残障人士受职场歧视

他之前从事一些手工艺品工作,尝试去应徵不少的工作单位,有的看到他就直接说公司刚好不需要请人;有些告诉他由於工作场所环境设计无法兼顾他的需求所以只好推拒;有些则叫他慢慢等消息,往往最后无下文了。

他在檳城无依无靠,仅有叔叔留下给他的一间小房。他要我帮忙介绍工作,我义不容辞答应了,还买麵包给他。他吩咐,他有手机號码但已没预付额,若哪个工作单位有兴趣聘请,务必请他们直接拨电。

隔天我找上了一家附近小有名气的残障关怀中心。他们听到了我的描述,就接手这个案例。过了一段日子,我想起他,拨电询问该中心是否已僱用他,可惜他们说他先答应却又缺席无回应。我也没再见到他了。

上个月我在群议社和共思社联办的《我是布莱克》(I,Daniel Blake)电影分享会里就感慨地道出了这段往事,正好这部电影触及的主题是英国官僚体制下冰冷无情的社会福利政策,以及城市社会底下阶层的日常贫穷挣扎。

就如我国政府的福利政策原本存有善意鼓励残障人士就业,却往往忽略了残障人士的最大挑战就是职场歧视,最后迫使他人陷入贫困而乞討。那不是违背了福利政策设计的初衷吗?

电影里的布莱克是一名优秀的老木匠。失去老伴的他不幸遇到了心臟病被医疗团队奉劝留在家待康復。没有工作收入的他申请失业支援津贴,当局却因与他心臟病无关的体能检验项目表现「及格」而断然拒绝批准津贴。

同时,明知布莱克因养病仍不可工作,当局依然劝告布莱克申请求职者津贴。布莱克因需收入维持家用,不得不吃下官僚制度的苦头。为了质问当局的来函决定,他打电话等了接近1.5小时才接通到电话服务员,却被告知要等待该局人员的正式电话通知才可上诉;要上诉和申请另一个津贴,表格还得要从网站下载和处理,而他完全是个电脑文盲;不能工作还得去上覆歷指导班、到处投书寻找工作来证明自己「正求职」。这些制度的生硬设计若不是为了刁难和麻烦弱势群体,就是要忽悠和羞辱他们。

我相信类似布莱克的遭遇同样也在我国上演,我在檳城遇到欲求职不得的残障人士就是冰山一角受害例子。或许读者想知道,我国的福利制度如何运作和出现了什么结构性的问题?

首先,我国联邦宪法第九附表就列明瞭社会福利乃是联邦与州政府共同的责任权限,出现在共治列表(List III Concurrent List)的第一条文。该条文也阐述对妇女、孩童与青年的保护。自从2004年,社会福利局就隶属在联邦的妇女、家庭和社区发展部。州政府则部署成立本身的社会福利州级部门以及县级福利办事处。

据报道,联邦政府在2013-2017年五年內发放了411亿令吉的福利津贴。其中最大笔的福利津贴项目就是人民生活援助金(Bantuan Sara Hidup,前称为BR1M),估计在今年会发放50亿令吉给超过400万户人家。而主要通过社会福利部发放给具体的弱势群体例如老人、小孩和残障人士的援助金,2017年的发放总额是15.1亿令吉,大约51万人或1.6%总人口因此受惠。

政府投资资源不足

学术界的一般共识认为社会福利本身就是政治產物,一旦政治人物承诺的福利政策落实后,通常比较难收回或废除,否则要面对民意反弹。一些社会福利政策或沦为政客捞取政治成本的民粹伎俩。其中可判断的方式就是观察哪些政客的脸孔或名字出现在福利金派发活动仪式,那是政客企图建立受惠群与「施主」的知恩图报关係。

另一边厢,远在布城的联邦官僚认为人民对政府的社会福利依赖是坏事,故此常强调社区的共同责任,非政府组织和民间团体应投入资源和时间进行支援工作,政府是最后的靠山。可是,投入社会服务的民间团体则喊不公,认为他们正做著政府本来应承担的服务责任,但却没得到更多的支持和奖掖。

2016年的內陆税收局数据显示,大约7千个註册的福利团体当中,仅有3.6%254个组织透过社会福利局得到政府的补贴。

不应停留在现金补给

此外,政府的设施和其容纳空间与民间团体的实力比较明显悬殊。比方说,2017年政府在全国仅有13间孩童(或孤儿)庇护所,能容纳最多1500人,但全国各州属不一定都有。而在2015年非政府组织就有927间,可容纳至28千人的孩童避风港。若不计算卫生医疗福利,联邦政府每年投资在社会福利的数额少於国內总產值的1%,距离国际劳工组织所建议的6%差別大。

有时,地方特殊复杂的社会状况和福利需求,更显得联邦政府官员山高皇帝远,埋下了伏笔製造各级政府和官僚的相互指责、內斗纷爭。更重要的是,往往政府对社会福利政策的瞭解仅停留在现金补给(cash handouts),而社会弱势群体有时真正需要的是实际具体的社会服务,比如说丧偶无儿的老人需要有专人看管协助。

金钱不能满足一切的需要,但由於福利津贴现金发放的方式较为普遍熟悉,管道已有,较易在短期內落实见效,政治决策人因此欢喜採纳。

综上所述,我认为我国社会福利政策和实际运作得改革——包括中央权力下放——以便能让真正需要援助的社会弱势群体从中受惠和受到保护。


刊登于《東方日報》東方文薈版2019年4月7日


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