Saturday, April 26, 2014

秘密的《跨太平洋伙伴协议》和其陷阱

《跨太平洋伙伴协议》(或英文缩写简称TPPA)已成为了全国瞩目大众议论的热辣课题,主要是因为它对国内经济活动带来举足轻重的影响。更令人关注的是它牵连波及到社会各层面,而且颇有争议性。有者说,国家主权或会受到威胁,因为国外投资者有权可以把国家政府控诉到国际仲裁庭,挑战国家制定的政策;有人担忧国内的中小型企业将无法与跨国大企业财团竞争而陆续收盘;亦有土著公司害怕政府制定的土著政策会因此被取消,以致未来他们的利益将无法获得政府的支持,协助和保护。

不像明年四月一日即将要推行的消费税,我们已知政府葫芦里卖什么膏药——消费税是怎么收的,税率是多少,我们都懂。可是,如今除了国阵联邦政府,没有人知道TPPA协议的具体谈判内容细节是什么。TPPA谈判已进行了19轮,我国在第三轮已加入了谈判。内阁授权国际贸工部协调和领导大马的TPPA谈判团队。团队旗下包括了各负责单位和部门,涵盖谈判的29个项目。目前大马团队仍在努力地与其他11国谈判的当儿,政府已向国人承诺一定会保障国家利益,例如土著政策(特别是针对政府合约颁布准则)和中小型企业。此外,在知识产权和环保课题方面政府也答应会尽力维护国人的权益。

其实,每个参与谈判的国家都必须对协议的最后内容达成一致的共识。所以从表面上看,每个国家代表算是平起平坐,各自有否决权(或弃权退出谈判和会员资格)。在还没有任何结论之前,涵盖29章的TPPA协议里的具体内容将会继续深埋在机密里。每个参与谈判的伙伴国都必须同意遵守和签署保密协议。正当有众多国家利益牵涉在其中,这种秘密的谈判方式自然让民众担忧、质疑和密切关注事态的发展。部长们的口头承诺一点都去除不了人民的惶恐不安和不信任感。人民在还没看到政府交出诚意透露实质内容之前,一切的口头承诺就几乎等于空口说白话。虽然政府尝试解说辩称谈判过程保密的重要性,摆出无奈的姿态告诉人民揭露谈判内情将会影响谈判进展和筹码。

可是,秘密终究归秘密,黑箱作业无法取信人民。对于政府过去的记录和表现,人民心中有个谱。更大的疑问是,到底我国政府代表团的谈判能力可以造化到什么程度,当他们面对的对手是日本和美国等区域性和世界大国。所以这很难怪民众普遍上持有较悲观的看法。在这TPPA课题上,民主的缺席是何等地露骨。一般相信,一旦发现最后的协议条约对签署国人民不公平,肯定会引起公愤,届时大型示威游行就只是时间问题而已。最近在台湾闹得热烘烘的反《两岸服务贸易协议》和反马英九政府黑箱作业的示威抗议就是最佳写照。

难以否认的,我国将可从自由贸易协议如TPPA获得不少的经济利益,主要是来自贸易开发和转移的效应。由于关税的显著锐减或豁免,预料与TPPA成员国的贸易额会有所增加。我国的出口业在这种情况下行情也自然会水涨船高。也正因没关税的阻碍,价格越有竞争力和越有效率的企业将更有可能主导TPPA成员国市场。人民将有可能享受更优惠的产品价格,特别是来自TPPA成员国的进口货。这是一般的简单认知。

然而,瞬间涌入大量的便宜进口货将冲击我国的特定领域。最有可能遭殃的是许多没有参与出口活动的本地中小型企业。如果他们也没从TPPA国进口任何的原产品或未加工产品,他们甚至没有从TPPA获得丁点的好处。要知道TPPA成员国多属于先进国,一般上他们拥有更先进优越的科技工艺因而更有可能生产比较经济实惠的附加价值产品。然而,至今不少本地企业仍经营着劳工密集、欠缺竞争力和效率的工业生产,只依靠单薄的利润挣扎存活下来。以后若他们要面对更有效率和优势的外来竞争者,再加上没有关税保护的前提之下,恐怕前景不妙。不仅是附加价值的科技产品,原产品例如农产品的生产也可能受影响。本地农商将会面对来自目前TPPA成员国的竞争压力,比如越南。要是日后泰国和印尼也决定加入TPPA阵容,情况或许会更恶化,除非联邦政府有特别的应对措施来减缓这些负面效应,保护本地企业的利益。

要是本地企业因TPPA的开放贸易政策而陆续倒闭,随之而来的就是失业率问题。特别是乡村和工业地区的人民生计会深受影响。这将间接造成社会压力的绷紧。受影响的民众也可能因此会大幅度锐减对现任联邦政府的支持。所以,自由贸易协议通常是个包含得与失、影响甚远的双刃剑,政府应该谨慎设想后果而不能随意签署。但若政府决议要另设更多的贸易障碍和扭曲市场以保护特定的失意者,就有违自由贸易的价值与精神,那当初又何必同意签署协议呢?

知识产权的定价和使用权也是其中一个重大的议题。有者认为,知识产权本应鼓励他人创作而不是阻碍他人的创作努力。知识产权更不应该用来打压竞争对手或排挤那些因无法负担昂贵价格而无法使用该产品的民众。若科技先进、持有大量知识产权的伙伴国欲一概地要求所有成员国严格地执法保护知识产权,同时又标放“发达国”价码在这些物品上,低收入TPPA国诸如我国,墨西哥和越南就得负担更高昂的费用以购买如药物,器材工具和工业设计等产品。

在某个程度上,由于成本的增加,这已间接减弱了一些经济领域的竞争力。此外,我国的公共开支预算,比如在医药卫生方面,势必也随之调高。所以,在知识产权的定价和使用权课题上的谈判,如果可以根据成员国的国家收入阶级而给予合理的伸缩性空间,这或许可以减少在经济层面和社会福利上的负担,同时又能捍卫知识产权而达成双赢的公平方案。

由于牵涉到庞大潜在的经济贸易利益,又有机会扩张市场到占据全球36%国内生产总值的12TPPA成员国里,我国不应该轻易地放弃这机会增加竞争优势,领先其他区域性的非TPPA国。至少目前我国代表仍还在谈判桌上影响谈判的走向,能传达国人的心声让他国认真看待我们的要求,以期望最后各方能够在最低限度的共识基础上找到最佳方案和结果。

要取得人民的信任和信心,当局就要展现有足够的透明度经常更新和释放最新的讯息,同时也该经常与各民间团体组织保持密切沟通。或许在不需违反保密协议的情况下,政府其实可以运用更细腻精巧的政治手段来争取人民的支持,尤其是在特定的时间点上,以便打造更有利的谈判环境加强筹码。政府可以向公众传达更清楚的讯息,偶尔透露己方的政策和立场以示捍卫人民利益的决心。

总的来说,TPPA不尽然是个坏点子,甚至最后还可能为我国带来好处——关键是在于我们能否取长补短,避免坠入陷阱。TPPA要的不止是贸易自由,而且还要公平。


刊登于聯合日報《自由言論》版

The secrecy behind TPPA and potential pitfalls


The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) has become one of the hottest issues in town, primarily because it will have significant impact on our nation’s economy and businesses. And also because it will bring wider social implications and raise controversies on many fronts.

Some claim that the sovereignty of the nation will be under threat and given the potential challenge of investors to our national policies; some worry that the local small and medium enterprises (SMEs) cannot compete with the multinational corporations and conglomerates and will therefore lose out.
Some bumiputera companies fear that this will spell the end of the government’s bumiputera policies that favour, support and protect their interests.

Unlike the goods and services tax (GST), about which we already know the details as to what exactly we will subscribe to, what measures will be taken and imposed on us come April 1, 2015.
However, as for the TPPA, thus far no one besides the federal government seems to know the details about the whole deal after 19th round of negotiations. The Ministry of International Trade and Industry (Miti) has been mandated by the cabinet to coordinate Malaysia’s participation in the TPPA negotiations.

Our delegates led by Miti and formed mostly by ministries and agencies responsible for specific areas, are still on the negotiation table trying to strike a reasonable deal with all other 11 countries, with the promise to protect the national interests, such as bumiputera policies (in terms of government procurement) and SMEs. Intellectual property rights and environment protection are also in hot contention.

As a matter of fact, every participating country must reach a consensus for all details stipulated in the final agreement. Therefore, on surface, they are all look like equal partners with the veto power (or the right to withdraw from the negotiations and membership). Before coming to the conclusion, the TPPA text, which covers 29 chapters, is still veiled in secrecy.

All must abide by non-disclosure agreement
Every negotiating partner has to abide by and sign the non-disclosure agreement. It is not difficult to imagine the deep concern, doubts and worries of the people about keeping the negotiations secret when there is so much national interests at stake.

Verbal reassurance from the federal ministries is simply not sufficient to quell the people’s fears when nothing is said about what the ministries would propose and defend. The ministries tried to justify that any revelation of the proposed text would attenuate their negotiation position.

However, secrecy does not instil the confidence and trust from the people. With regard to the government’s past records and performance, and also the simple doubt as to how much negotiation power Malaysia has in dealing with super regional and global powers such as the United States and Japan, it is safe to assume that the general public opinion is pessimistic.

The deficit of democracy is so glaring in the TPPA negotiations that if the outcome of the final agreement turns out to be unfair to the people of any signatory country, massive protests can be expected. This reminds us of the recent episode of ongoing fierce and huge protests in Taiwan against the Cross-Strait Services Trade Agreement and Ma Ying-Jeou’s government.

Undoubtedly, Malaysia will reap massive economic benefits from the new trade creations and trade diversion effects the free trade agreement in the name of TPPA endows. Increased trade volume with TPPA member countries is expected due to significantly lower or no trade tariffs.

Export industries would be strengthened in normal circumstances. The more cost competitive and efficient producers among the member countries would more likely to dominate the market after the trade barriers are dismantled. People will probably also enjoy lower prices of many directly imported products from TPPA countries. That is the simplistic view.

SMEs will be the worst hit...
The increased influx of cheaper products could also spell the trouble of destabilising certain industries. The worst hit would be the SMEs and local businesses that are not involved in exports. They might not even get any real benefit if they also do not, or rarely, import raw and intermediate input products from TPPA countries.

Many TPPA members are in the bracket of advanced countries; they possess more advanced technology and are thus able to create more cost-competitive, value-added products compared with many local producers. Many inefficient and labour-intensive industries that are surviving on meagre, marginal profits will find the situation very difficult after the removal of the trade barriers.

Eventually, they might be driven to cease operations and shut down. Not only will value-added technology products, primary products such as agricultural products will also be affected. The local producers will face more competition pressure from the current TPPA members, for example, Vietnam.
Should Thailand and Indonesia join the pact in near future, the situation could worsen, unless the federal government has some careful and deliberate measures to alleviate adverse trade effects and protect the local industries.

Rising unemployment as a consequence of the TPPA, especially in the rural and industrial areas, will elevate social tension and fast erode the people’s support for the current federal government. This is the dilemma of a free-trade agreement. Erecting trade barriers and introducing market distortions to protect the interests of certain losers are incompatible with the spirit and principles of free trade.

Intellectual property rights and higher costs
The stringency of the intellectual property rights (IPR) implementation is also one of the main outstanding issues. Many have argued that the IPR should encourage more creativity and inventions, not to stifle any development of such efforts or deny people from using a particular intellectual property just because they simply cannot afford the high price.

Given the technology advanced status and the quantities of patents some TPPA countries possess, if they strictly impose all IPR and the price regime to all member countries equally, lower income countries such as Malaysia, Mexico and Vietnam would have to bear higher cost for many products, ranging from medicines to various equipment and industrial designs.

To a certain extent, this will reduce the competitiveness of some industries. Also, it may incur higher costs of public expenses, for example, on healthcare. Therefore, some flexibility in applying the IPR according to different income tiers of the country is perhaps seen as one of the sensible and fair solutions to minimise the negative effect of economic impact and social welfare while upholding IPR principles.

Given the potential enormous trade benefits in tapping in and expanding the market to 12 TPPA member countries which constitute 36 percent of the total world GDP, it would not be wise for us to forgo this opportunity to stay more competitive ahead of other regional non-TPPA countries.

Right now, the government is still in the position to influence the direction of the negotiations, voice our concerns and let other TPPA member countries to take our demands seriously and finally negotiate for the best terms and outcomes that will meet the bare minimum consensus for all members.
Trust and confidence from the people can only be earned if enough transparency is ensured, updates are often given and the communication channels between the government and the concerned parties are always open.

The government can certainly do something more politically tactful to rally the people’s support to strengthen its hands for negotiations. Without explicitly bleaching the democratic-deficit secret code in the name of the non-disclosure agreement, the government can convey the messages to the people more clearly and occasionally opt to reveal certain subtle policy details to show government’s determination to safeguard people’s interest.

All in all, the TPPA is not yet a lost cause. Eventually, it might still be beneficial for our country – only if we can get what we want and avoid the potential pitfalls. The TPPA needs not only to be seen as free, but also fair.
Original article link: http://m.malaysiakini.com/news/259634