Tuesday, June 29, 2021

馬新社華語新聞採訪- 代表家庭前線發言(播出日期6月27日)

 性别左右国籍传承 官僚僵化制度偏颇

大马是全球25个否决女性将公民权传承给子女的国家之一。非政府组织家庭前线 Family Frontiers Malaysia 去年12月,连同6名大马籍母亲入禀诉讼,要求法庭宣判大马女性和外籍配偶在海外生子能自动继承大马国籍,深入法律和立法领域做出改变,借此实践两性同等的权利和义务。
记者:#李于晴


Chinese version:

1. 当初是在什么情况下成立Family Frontiers的呢? 可否向我们介绍一下Family Frontiers这个组织呢?


雪隆家庭支援与福利协会,或又称Family Frontiers(家庭前线),是一个注册团体,宗旨是为了促进和巩固家庭单位以确保没有任何家庭被遗弃在后。这个协会成为外籍配偶支援小组Foreign Spouses Support Group (FSSG)的正式附属体,支持和倡导大马外配的权益,同时动员争取平等公民权的运动。

外籍配偶支援小组(FSSG)成立于2009年,创始人是两位嫁给大马公民的外籍配偶妈妈。他们经历了不少难以克服的困难在国内养育孩子长大。他们成立这小组为了支援其他遭遇类似挑战的外籍配偶,旨在通过影响政策和提供社区及联络网服务来促进、宣导和保护大马外籍配偶和孩童的权利。

2015年,FSSG已扩张倡导范围,除了外籍配偶,也同时帮助那些面对获取公民权难题的大马人。家庭前线Family Frontiers现在正领导着一个大马人要求公平公民权运动,争取法律和政策改革达至性别平等法律、政策和规范,以便大马人拥有平等权利赋予公民权给他们的孩子和配偶。

20207月,一些直接或间接被上述问题困扰影响的人士聚集在一起,在大马社团注册局下注册成立了家庭前线 Family Frontiers。组织的愿景是为了实现性别平等、不再被歧视或偏差对待,让跨国家庭的大马人可以全面享有人权,并受到他们家庭、社区和社会的肯定与保证。同时这组织也为了要促进、宣导和强化家庭团结和发展,确保没有家庭被遗弃在后。

 

2. Family Frontiers下,有多少位受影响的母亲? 他们为子女的公民身份争取了多久? 有没有成功的案例?

 

家庭前线正策划和管理一个同伴支援网络给那些正在争取海外出生孩子公民权的母亲们。该组目前已有140位母亲隶属于该网络。可惜,过去多年我们提供服务与指导给众多与内政部交涉的妈妈们,他们并不在这个小组里。许多大马籍妈妈在海外等候着孩子的公民权申请获得批准。自2015年以来,我们成功帮助了3宗案例:两宗是涉及无国籍孩童,近来还有另一宗。同时我们处理当中的几百宗案例还在等候着结果。

 

 

3. 在为孩子们争取公民权的工作中,母亲们面临了哪些困境?疫情是否也影响了这些工作?

 

 

挑战

 

大马人的非公民孩童基本权利可及性

 

       没有公共教育和医疗的平等可及管道给非公民孩子,这将会给大马籍妈妈在日常生活中面对难题

       面对更高医疗成本挑战的特别是那些残障和需要长期医疗护理的孩童们,这些孩童们因为外国人的身份不能利用政府设施。当这些孩子长大成为成年人就更无任何其他解决方案。

       要获取权利进入国民学校取决于校长。每年这些妈妈们都得寻求更新签证、购买保险、再重新把孩子送入学校,有时这可能会导致孩子们延迟开课加入该学年。

 

大马籍妇女面对的挑战

 

       妇女有养育孩子的责任负担,但如果她们嫁给外籍丈夫,需要长期在国外生活,而又想赋予孩子大马国籍,那么她们必须确保能及时回国诞生小孩,当中可能会有风险。

       很多大马妇女因离婚,决定带着外籍孩子回国。结果他们需要勤跑为孩子们获取签证。当中有不少妈妈遇到难题,同时他们也需要在孩子上学之前获取健康保险。这个周期重复运转,可能直到孩子们长大到21岁,届时他们已无缘获得公民权了。

 

永久居民为一个替代选择给21岁以上的孩子

 

       永久居民资格不会直接提供给这些孩子们,而他们被告知他们可以申请如果先取消公民权申请。这些规定并没有黑子白纸的说明,只是口头上由移民局官员告知。

       如果他们已经是21岁了,他们入境时会被视为一般的旅客而不能再视为是大马人的孩子。这主要的原因是性别的差别——大马籍妇女受害,大马籍男士就不同!大马籍男士们可以赋予他们海外出生的孩子们公民权,甚至可以2天内解决 -- 更讽刺的是他的外籍配偶在国内甚至可以为孩子们获取公民权,大马籍妇女不行。大马籍妇女的孩子们被视为国家安全威胁,而不是大马籍男士的孩子们!

 

 

新冠肺炎疫情对申请过程的冲击

 

     很多在海外的大马籍孕妇不能回国分娩,导致许多大马籍妇女的孩子们申请公民权。

     有些还被指示要回国申请孩子们的公民权,特别是那些在孩子1岁后才来申请公民权的大马籍妇女。这是一个相当大的挑战,因为当中有不少人无法因此回国。

     有时这也让那些没有办法取得父亲国籍公民权的孩子们陷入无国籍风险,意味着该身在外国的孩子可能变成无国籍。

     登记报生在疫情之下,变得非常有挑战,尤其是在疫情当下要获取公民登记服务。另外,要持之有恒跟进内安部的最新进展,这也对大马籍妈妈挑战也大。

     内政部也没有提供正处理着的公民权申请积压数目更新数据。

 

新冠肺炎疫情对那些受影响人士的冲击

 

     海外生活的大马籍孕妇必须冒着风险回国分娩,而很多孕妇则必须作出艰难的决定在外国诞生婴孩,但增添了为孩子获取大马公民权的风险。这对他们不公平,他们不应该被迫要在自己和婴孩的健康风险以及赋予孩子的公民权之间作出抉择。

     我们有收到不少案例大马籍妇女在海外必需哑忍已破裂的婚姻,只是因为他们的孩子们合法地位全靠着外籍生父。

     许多单亲妈妈在海外不能回国,因为他们的孩子们将只被给予短期的签证,如此一来一旦短期签证到期就处于相当脆弱的位置。在全球疫情席卷下,即使他们被要求为了签证短暂离国,但他们还能去哪里?

     还有一些在国内的案例,一些非公民的孩子们被要求离国以便办新签证。过去我们已有类似的案例,比如说那些妈妈们拥有2-3位大马籍的孩子还有一位非公民孩子,妈妈被要求与那位非公民孩子一起离国,再回来办签证。但是疫情当下,这个要求更荒谬了,跨国行动已有染病风险,隔离费用又昂贵,再况且能不能回国仍是一个未知数,因为他们(非公民小孩)还得获得批准入境。

     在国内的单亲妈妈们与他们的非公民孩子们也面对更新或申请孩子居留签证的难题。因为经常那位非公民父亲必须在场,不管该案是否有离婚记录或破裂或暴力婚姻。

 

 

4. Family Frontiers入禀法庭起诉政府,请问案件是关于什么呢?为什么会选择在这个时候入禀诉讼?案件如今进展如何?

 

马来西亚是25个国家的其中一个否决本国籍妇女有权赋予孩子们公民权,而不同于本国籍男士;20132018年之间,国民登记局接获4112公民权申请书(根据国家宪法第15.2条文),在国会问答我们被告知只有142申请被批准了。这不包括那些已在更早前申请过然后被拒绝的,还有那些已放弃申请过程的人。

非常稀少的大马籍妈妈得到正面的申请结果,绝大部分的情况是他们处于等待状态多年,然后被拒绝。这也让单亲妈妈们非常难过,难以应付养育非公民孩子们的情况。很多类似的孩子们最终到了21岁,已没有公民权申请的选择,那么我们家庭前线还有什么选择能帮忙呢?

20201218日,家庭前线与六位受影响的大马籍妇女对大马公民权法律歧视大马籍妇女提出了宪法挑战。这个诉讼寻求一个针对联邦宪法第14条的声明,即不能保证大马籍妇女拥有同等权利赋予海外出生的孩子们公民权,如大马籍男士,必须要同时协和参阅联邦宪法第八条文保障不分性别的基本自由和非歧视行为。

 

 

English version:

 

1. When and how did Family Frontiers establish? Can you please briefly introduce Family Frontiers to us?

 

The Association of Family Support & Welfare Selangor & KL (Family Frontiers) is a registered entity established with the aim of advancing, promoting and strengthening the family unit so that no family is left behind. It acts as an umbrella body for the Foreign Spouses Support Group (FSSG), that supports and advocates for the rights of foreign spouses married to Malaysian citizens and mobilizes action for the Malaysian Campaign for Equal Citizenship.

Foreign Spouses Support Group (FSSG) was formed in 2009 by two non-citizen mothers (married to Malaysians) in Malaysia who experienced insurmountable difficulties in raising their Malaysian children within the country. They formed FSSG so that other non-citizen spouses faced with similar challenges have support, with the aims to advance, promote and protect the rights of non-citizen spouses married to Malaysians and their children by influencing policy and providing services through community and network building.

Since 2015, FSSG has expanded its advocacy to include not only foreign spouses but also Malaysians who face the inability to their citizenship rights. Family Frontiers now also leads the Malaysian Campaign for Equal Citizenship to achieve law and policy reforms such that Malaysians have equal rights to confer citizenship on their children and spouses, through gender equal laws, policies and practices.

In July 2020, individuals directly or indirectly impacted by these above issues came together to form the Association of Family Support and Welfare (Family Frontiers) registered under the Registrar of Societies Malaysia. Family Frontiers’ vision is to realise gender equality and non-discrimination so that the full enjoyment of human rights for binational families of Malaysians in their families, community and society is guaranteed. It aims to advance, promote and strengthen family unity and development so that no family is left behind.

 

 

2. Under your organization, how many mothers are affected by this citizenship law? How long have they been fighting for their children's citizenship? Are there any successful cases?

Family Frontiers curates and manages a peer support network of mothers seeking citizenship for their overseas-born children. The group currently has 140 mothers who are part of this network.  However over the years we have provided services and guidance to many mothers who had pending applications with KDN, but are not in this current group. Many of the Malaysian mothers are overseas and waiting for the citizenship application to be approved.  Since 2015 we have had only 3 positive cases, 2 were for stateless children and 1 other case recently, while hundreds continue to wait for an outcome. 

 

3. What are the challenges in fighting for these children's citizenships? Does this pandemic affect the progress?

 

CHALLENGES

 

Access to fundamental rights among non-citizen children of Malaysians

 

       Without equal access to public education and healthcare for their non-citizen children, it becomes difficult for Malaysian mothers to navigate through day-to-day routines. 

       Higher cost of healthcare is particularly challenging for children with disabilities and those who require long-term medical care. Some children need long term medical treatment but due to their status as foreigners cannot avail of government facilities. Soon the children will become adults without any possible solution in sight. 

       Access to national schools depend on the head-master and every year these mothers have to run about to seek visas, insurance and readmit their children each year in National schools and this could result in them joining the academic year late.

 

Challenges faced by Malaysian women

 

       Women have the burden of child-bearing and have to travel endangering their lives to return to Malaysia to have a child.

       When marriages fail, many Malaysian women may choose to return home expecting Malaysia to be a safe home for them, however they are made to do visa runs, with their infants instead. These mothers have difficulty obtaining visas for their children, additionally they need to obtain health insurance before seeking schools for their children.  The cycle goes on, for some until the age of 21 and then there is no more access to citizenship. 

 

Permanent Residence as an alternative and children above the age of 21

 

       Permanent Residence is not offered to these children and they are told they can apply only if their citizenship application is cancelled, these rules are not in black and white but informed by officers at immigration.

       Once they are 21 years old, they will have to enter the country like any other tourist, and not as a child of a Malaysian. All because these are Malaysian women and not Malaysian men!  Malaysian men can secure citizenship for their children sometimes within 2 days – the irony is that his foreign wife can obtain Malaysian citizenship for her child, but not a Malaysian woman. Children of Malaysian women are considered a National Security Threat but not children of Malaysian men!

 

 

IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THE PROGRESS

 

     Many pregnant Malaysian women overseas could not return to Malaysia to deliver their children, resulting in the increase of number of children of Malaysian women seeking citizenship

     Some are often directed to return to Malaysia to apply for their children’s citizenship, especially those that apply for citizenship after the child turns one year old. This makes it challenging for those that are unable to return to Malaysia to do so.

     This also places children without access to the father’s citizenship at risk of statelessness and can mean that the child remains undocumented in a foreign country.

     With difficulty accessing civil registration services during the pandemic, birth registration becomes challenging. Following up with one’s citizenship application with the Ministry of Home Affairs is also challenging for mothers.

     There has also hasn’t been an update on the backlog of citizenship applications that the Ministry of Home Affairs is currently processing.

 

IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THOSE AFFECTED

 

     Pregnant Malaysian women overseas have had to risk their lives to try and return to Malaysia to deliver their children, many of whom had to make the difficult decision of delivering their baby in the foreign country, while risking the chances of their children securing Malaysian citizenship. It is unjust that they should be placed in a position to choose between risking their health and their baby’s health and risking the chances of them passing on their citizenship. 

     We have had cases of Malaysian women overseas who are forced to remain in toxic marriages, because their children’s legal security depends on the foreign father.

     Many single mothers overseas also could not repatriate because their children would be given short-term visas, leaving them in a highly vulnerable position once that short-term visa expires. Where do they go with their children in the middle of a pandemic if they are asked to leave for a visa run?

     Then there are the cases of those that are already in Malaysia and whose non-citizen children are being asked to leave for what is called a visa run. We have had such cases in general times, where mothers who have 2-3 other Malaysian children and one non-citizen child would be asked to leave the country with the non-citizen child and return to enable the application of a visa. This is absurd, especially during a pandemic when travelling is such a risk, quarantine charges are expensive, and there is even an uncertainty on whether they would obtain an approval to enter the country.

     Single Malaysian mothers who are already in Malaysia with their non-citizen children will also face difficulties in renewing or applying for their child’s visa because most often, the non-citizen father is required to be present. Even if there is a divorce in place, or if it is an abusive marriage.

 

 

4. Family Frontiers filed a suit against the federal government, what is it about? Why do you choose to file the suit now? What is the latest progress?

 

Malaysia is one of 25 countries that denies women the right to confer nationality on their children on an equal basis with men;

Between the years of 2013 to 2018 to a question responded in Parliament, JPN received 4112 citizenship applications unter Article 15.2, however we are told only 142 applications were approved.  This does not include those who have applied earlier and got rejections and gave up on the application process. 

Very few of the Malaysian Mothers have received positive outcomes to their applications, for most of the time they remain pending for years and then get rejected.  Its also very difficult for single mothers to cope with the situation of having non-citizen children.  Many of the children have attained the age of 21 and have no more options to file for citizenship, what other option was left for Family Frontiers?

On 18 December 2020, Family Frontiers along with six affected Malaysian mothers filed a constitutional challenge against Malaysian citizenship laws that discriminate against Malaysian women. The lawsuit seeks a declaration that Article 14 of the Federal Constitution—that does not guarantee Malaysian women equal rights to confer citizenship on their overseas-born children by ‘operation of law’ on an equal basis as Malaysian men—is to be read harmoniously with Article 8 of the Federal Constitution that guarantees fundamental liberties and non-discrimination on the basis of gender.


Difficulties in achieving herd immunity

 Difficulties in achieving herd immunity


After a public remark made by the national Covid-19 immunisation programme co-ordinating minister Khairy Jamaluddin, in which he said that he no longer thinks herd immunity can be achieved and he has stopped using the term, this drives some members of the opposition and public into a frenzy.

Some questioned Khairy if this is so, does it imply that the current vaccination programme is a waste of time and resources?

Conveniently or carelessly, they also ignored the important fact and message that Khairy is still very much pushing for more people to get vaccinated, regardless of the scientific fact that it is not practical to achieve herd immunity.

The term, also known as population immunity, is an indirect form of protection from an infectious disease for to those who are not immune, when a sufficient percentage of a population is immune either through vaccination or exposure to previous infections.

The World Health Organization (WHO) advocates vaccination restricting the spread of disease that would result in unnecessary cases and deaths.

Our government sets the target at 80% vaccination coverage of the population, and aims to achieve this by the end of this year.

This leaves many in the public to believe that herd immunity is just a number target, once we achieve that number then it means we have achieved herd immunity.

This is probably one of the most prevalent public perceptions but factually incorrect and misleading.

There are many factors to explain why herd immunity for Covid-19 is evidently difficult to achieve, even with high percentage coverage of the vaccinated population.

First, the greatest benefits of the current vaccines in our portfolio are the protection from severe illnesses and death due to Covid-19, and this could significantly relieve the burden on the public healthcare system.

While the efficacy of the vaccines preventing the infection varies depending on a person’s risk community profile and the local infection force, it is well documented that the vaccines we have currently are not silver bullets.

There were incidents where even people vaccinated were becoming infected with the added possibility of passing on the virus.

However, compared to unvaccinated people, vaccination can still reduce and slow down, but not eliminate Covid-19 transmission.

Second, people often overlook the distribution of the vaccinated population. High coverage of them would be useful for herd immunity protection only if the distribution is even.

That means it is no use of having more than 90% of the urban population vaccinated, while some rural villages and certain urban community pockets (such as migrant hidden communities) are left totally unprotected.

The latter communities will serve as the potential reservoir or outbreak point for virus transmission.

Third, even if it is just a number target, to reach 80% population coverage is an enormous challenge.

To date, no one country has achieved that level. The leading country Israel has plateaued at close to 60% vaccinated population since April.

For Malaysia, the challenge to get to this number is partly due to the fact that 30% of the population is under 18 years old.

Even after the government announced that 12-17 years old residents can be vaccinated with the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine, that only addressed about 12% of the entire population (and they still need parental consent).

At the end of last year, the Health Ministry conducted a large-scale survey, which gathered 212,000 respondents, and the results finding shows that 17% were unsure and 16% did not agree with vaccination.

Thus realistically, since the immunisation programme is voluntary, the government has to persuade about 30% of the adult population to change their mind.

Given the currently “untouchable” under-12 population already consists about 17%, the margin of error is in fact very small for the government’s failure to convince the remaining reluctant population.

The factors beyond the control of the government are the global inequity of vaccine distribution and the possibility of emergence of new variants of virus, which are more threatening than the currently known variants of concern (VOC).

Mutation is considered a relatively rare event for SARS-CoV-2 virus which has a length of about 30,000 bases and it contains a certain proofreading mechanism when the virus is copying its own genome sequence.

The majority of mutations would have no effect or even be harmful to the virus itself.

However, it is a different scenario when we continue to allow more infection cases to go around the world.

As long as there are areas or countries in the world that cannot effectively control the disease outbreak, there will be patients suffering prolonged disease infection.

These patients could potentially be the incubator for the new variants of virus, as they would allow more rounds of viral replications, hence more likely for the virus to make “mistakes” and create mutation.

The variant with more advantageous mutations in terms of higher binding affinity to the human cell receptor, more efficient replication mechanism and evasion of immune response, can be selected and passed on to the community, and finally could become the dominant circulating variant, such as the Delta variant affecting the 47% vaccinated UK population.

Border control measures could block the import cases containing these new virus variants, but it could only effectively work to a certain extent. Currently, three out of four VOC listed by the WHO –Alpha, Beta and Delta – have already hit our shores.

How could we have the confidence to prevent the new emergence of VOC or even variants of high consequence (VOHC) from coming in, in near future?

The VOC and VOHC will keep on challenging and weakening the effectiveness of the current vaccines.

Some scientific evidence from studies already pointing at reduced effectiveness of neutralising antibodies from the current vaccine response.

The good news is that the current vaccines administered in Malaysia are still good enough to protect us from hospitalisation and death, other aspects of vaccine-induced immune response such as T-cell-mediated immunity are largely intact and effective.

Make no mistake, vaccines are still an important tool for disease control measures in our country. Vaccination rollout should be one of the core exit strategies but cannot be the only game in town.

If the vaccine supply is available, it is imperative to get many people vaccinated as soon as possible.

At the same time, public health measures, whether medical or non-medical interventions, are still crucial at controlling disease transmission.

The government has to address the issues of public trust deficit by vastly improving the risk communication and putting up coherent and reasonable policy measures, while the public (including employers and business owners) has the responsibility in complying with standard operating procedures.

We need a whole-of-society approach, not “holes-in-society” contributing to the spike of disease cases and spread.

59th article for Agora@TMI column, published on The Malaysian Insight, 28 Jun 2021 

CITYPlus FM 訪談 - 6月28日

 

CITYPlus FM【城市话题】—— 首阶段全面封锁再延长,次阶段路在何方



Podcast 鏈接在此
live video鏈接在此




PART 1: 全面封锁延长

 

首相慕尤丁宣布,第一阶段全面封锁措施将会延长,并持续到单日确诊病例4000宗以下,才迈入下个阶段。你怎么看待政府的这项宣布?

 

如果你問一般小市民如何看待,肯定有一大堆人大吐槽。為什麼?因為舉國上下已被關在家了4周,每日新增確診病例居然沒有看到持續下降的趨勢。而首相早期在公佈國家復甦計劃時已宣佈了邁入下個階段的3個指標條件,坦白說,沒有一個達標。所以,他也沒有辦法,必須要延長全面封鎖。

 

我相信小市民不會開心,覺得是政府一個月以來的抗疫工作和措施失敗。對我而言,看著現在的疫情,截至昨天西馬半島目前還沒有一個縣市是綠區,只有零散的10個黃區和7個橙區,而東馬的沙巴和砂拉越除了三個縣市是綠區,但大部分還是紅色災區。如果4周的全面封鎖政府都不能有效地大力壓下各地的社區感染,現在貿貿然進入下階段開放更多領域不是要自找麻煩?確實目前很多社區的感染風險還是很大,我也只能無可奈何接受政府的這項宣佈。

 

2. 卫生总监诺希山指出,全面封锁令成功阻止了灾难

若非全面封锁,我国可能会在614号,攀升到13000宗确诊病例,并在几个星期后,达到单日4万宗确诊病例。

这是不是说,我国的全面封锁措施奏效了?

 

我認為,衛生總監沒有說錯。我在上個月29日曾根據衛生部的R基本感染指數1.15計算,預測會在10天內每日確診病例會破萬。這個最後沒有發生,除了歸功於全面封鎖措施,其實之前實施的縮緊行管令3.0也有關係。畢竟任何的抗疫措施,至少需要兩個星期(或一至兩輪的發病週期)才可以開始看到一些效果。

 

可是,大部分人民還是不滿全面封鎖措施帶來的效應僅此而已,通常也不會用類似諾希山的角度看待此事。就如剛才所說的,他們要看到疫情數字各方面顯著下降和進步能快速晉級到下階段,才會認為他們在家枯等的犧牲是值得的。

 

3. 卫生部前副总监拿督洛曼哈就认为,政府应该考虑落实针对性行动管制令,而不是全面封锁。

比起全面封锁,你认为针对性行动管制令是否更有效控制疫情?

 

我之前已解釋了目前全國縣市的疫情,西馬半島難以找到多處可以先放鬆管制,允許更多人重回職場和營業的低風險地區。畢竟現在行管令限制下,人們不可跨縣除非得到允許,縣市是當地衛生局疫情管理決策的最小單位。

 

針對性行動管制令不是不好,自從5月初開始針對性實行雪州6縣的行管令3.0,即使後來擴張到全國實施了,並逐步調整嚴格度,疫情也不見好轉。人民也似乎跟不上每隔幾天不同的針對性行管令新措施,最後的故事發展大家都懂了。

 

我的見解是,針對性行管令其實是避免全國封鎖的最好折衷方案,不是因為它比全國封鎖更有效,而為了避免全國封鎖的重大代價。但這方案要成功絕對需要整體社會全面的配合才行,不然最後失敗了還是得搬出全國封鎖來救火。



4. 专家表示,政府应该授权县流行病委员会进行风险评估,以及制定每个副县的标准作业程序(SOP),毕竟他们更清楚管辖县和副县疫情。

如果政府真的下方权力给县流行并委员会,让他们制定自己的SOP,这会不会导致人民混乱?

 

每個縣都要有自己的SOP? 人民連全國的SOP都有時很難跟得上了。到時肯定會更亂,人民要聽誰的,哪裡可以獲取正確資訊,跨縣後要怎麼辦,這些都會成為爭議點和混淆之處。

這不代表縣級流行病委員會沒有該扮演的道地角色,這些風險評估和建議抗疫措施,都是他們的現在的分內工作。

 

5.  我国确诊病例依然维持在5000多宗,不少网民纷纷涌入首相、国防部高级部长、贸工部高级部长和卫生总监的脸书,要求关闭工厂Tutup Kilang)。

政府不关闭工厂是导致疫情高居不下的原因吗?如果真的要暂时关闭工厂,你认为关闭多久才能够有效控制疫情?

 

確實自從全面封鎖措施實施以來,我國仍出現為數不少的工作感染簇群,特別是來自工廠和建築業基地。

 

我讚成說政府應該只嚴格允許真正符合資格的基本服務行業工廠繼續運作,其餘的必須先短暫關閉。當局必須執法,以示公平。

 

但關閉工廠不是解決方式,反而政府和僱主應該研究工廠的工作環境和流程,確保能再加強防疫措施避免員工受感染,因為遲早這些廠需要重開的。



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PART 2:政府的政策

 

1. 根据国盟政府早前公布的经济复苏计划,我国从第一阶段的全面封锁迈入第二阶段的预计时间,大概落在7月或8月。

不过眼看我国在过去一个月实施的全面封锁中,确诊病例一直徘徊在40006000宗之间,你认为我国真的能够如期在7月或8月迈入第二阶段吗?

 

之前我們討論過了有關每日確診病例晉級條件的目標數字。

其實另外兩個指標條件可能有更大的難處。

差距最大最遠的是有關ICU加護病房的使用量。目前還相當緊張和爆滿,還有886位,比起最爆滿時期的924床位,才相差了一點而已。什麼是加護病房使用量中等水平呢?是靠近450床位嗎?

另外,若還要符合10%人口接種兩劑疫苗的指標,那麼接下來的兩個星期,要能保持上週四的接種速度接近10萬劑給第二劑,那麼差不多最少還要12天才能達成目標。

如果一定要滿足這3個條件,我看最快也要在兩個星期後才能實現。

 

2. 资深医生指出,我国有可能面临第5波新冠肺炎疫情,而且情况可能会更严重,到时医疗系统相信会更加不堪重负。

你认为什么原因导致我国可能爆发第5波疫情?政府应该采取什么对策,以防止第5波疫情爆发?

 

首先,政府都沒有承認有第四波這回事。但我和這位Amar Singh醫生所見略同,看來我們現在經歷的是第四波。至於疫情會不會回彈成為第5波?不能排除這可能性,如果政府太早開放經濟和社會領域,讓更多人流接觸,再碰上目前社區感染風險依然很高的情況,同時發現越來越多變種病毒病例,特別是源自印度的delta變種病毒據說更容易傳染,第5波不太難想象。一旦發生了,我想,分分鐘情況比現在更糟糕,恐怕一發不能收拾使得醫療系統癱瘓,更多死亡病例。若再次全面封鎖,政府更少資源可以作經濟援助,更難取信人民配合和遵守抗疫措施和指令。我擔心,我們將會更靠近今年初的印度了。

政府必須要把盡快現在居高的本地社區傳染數字拉低。沒有關係,如果可以先讓多個抗疫表現較好的州屬先脫困解除全面封鎖,應該如此做。疫情嚴重的地區如雪隆地帶,疫情則必須先進一步受到控制,才可階段性逐漸放鬆行管令。國家安全理事會裡的成員必須要聽取來自衛生部流行病委員會的風險評估,才可開放任何限制。

 

3. 随着政府宣布延长第一阶段全面封锁措施,首相慕尤丁表示,政府将在这两天宣布更全面的的援助配套。以过去的援助配套为例,你觉得政府这次的援助配套应该如何改进,以确保真正需要的人能够拿到补助?

 

這次延長的全面封鎖,肯定會重創很多中小企業。如果政府的援助配套無法讓這些企業過活,那麼可以想象會有再一波的失業潮。政府除了動用儲備金不然就是再舉債,這也沒辦法了,但一定要幫助那些失去收入或沒有收入的B40M40家庭。很多家庭也沒有太多的儲蓄,如果能解決掉他們還租金、貸款和水電費的壓力,那麼最後就是他們的三餐溫飽問題。政府必須要配合道地的福利組織能及時提供援助,確保這些家庭不會挨餓或面對更多的精神壓力問題。要知道對不少人來說,這是一個相當煎熬的時刻,或許比遇到病毒更可怕。

 

4. 大马雇主联合会昨天发文告指出,在全面封锁期间,很多公司面临衰退,数以千计的人处于破产边缘,这将对经济、商业和就业造成持续性伤害。

他们促请政府结束全面封锁,并在执行严格的防疫标准作业程序(SOP)和惩罚下,开放所有经济领域。你觉得这样的方式可行吗?会不会担心确诊病例再次回弹?

 

 

我想對大馬僱主聯合會說,我了解他們的抓狂壓力,但現在請他們看看近來每天的確診病例數字和工作單位感染群數據。

僱主的責任就是確保員工的身心健康和安全,疫情籠罩了各行各業一年半了,為何自己不能檢討和執行嚴格的SOP,而每天還是有那麼多新的工作感染群?僅僅是基本服務行業都已經這樣了,現在開放所有經濟領域還得了?自從61日以來,我國就出現了384與工作單位相關的感染群,幾乎每天14個工作感染群,每個平均伴隨著32個確診病例。

政府難以逐一監督和執法每家廠商是否遵守SOP,縱使再嚴格和清楚的SOP也需要僱主完全遵守才行。所以,這球要踢回給僱主,等到開放的那天,你們要怎樣確保您的員工避免感染和相互傳染?

 

5.财政部长东姑扎夫鲁表示,现在是重启i-Lestarii-Sinar计划和自动暂缓还贷的合适时机,以协助人民和商业度过难关。

但有专家认为,这些计划只是帮得了一时,并不是长久之计,呼吁政府推出购物礼券,以促进消费。

你认为哪个计划更有效?

 

 

i-Lestari i-Sinar 是最後狗急跳墻的方案,給燃眉之急的人民領取自己的公積金血汗錢老本。這其實對這些領款人的未來有著負面的影響,我雖然可以明白他們要如此做,政府不應該也多幫忙一點嗎?還有不少自僱人士是沒有公積金儲蓄的,那麼他們應該怎麼辦?

至於購物禮券這點子可以試試看,或許跟財長所提出的政策建議沒有衝突啊。但一般上在這個時刻,會比較少人捨得花大錢來買奢侈品,即使給他們購物禮劵也不見得他們願意買。因此購物禮券最後可能僅照顧到一些行業,而不是另一些行業。或許提議購物禮券的其中一個理由是擔心獲得直接援助金的人民會把款項存起來而不是消費,所以經濟不能滾動起來。我看如果真的家庭經濟狀況在全面封鎖下變得惡劣,沒有什麼理由這些家庭不用來消費買必須品。即使在瘟疫發生前的時候,曾有國家銀行調查統計顯示四分之三的人拿不出1000令吉來應急。所以我認為直接撥款援助金針對低收入等級和無收入狀態的家庭也無妨。